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seeking to "contain" China and to deny China its proper role in the post-Cold War
world. I heard this view expressed to me personally by a number of Chinese
officials in Beijing. Correcting misperceptions will take time and requires
constant dialogue. But we should begin the process now of addressing these
differences concretely through a broader interaction and exchange.

Too often, Americans fail to understand the perspective of other nations.
This is especially true in the case of China.If American policymakers work to
gain a greater understanding of the Chinese viewpoint on a variety of issues, I
believe we will enjoy a far more successful relationship.

Let me now briefly address several issues that I believe the new U.S.
Congress will pay particular attention to in the upcoming session.

First, there is the issue of Taiwan.The United States takes seriously yours
and our "one China" policy, as incorporatedin the three communiques and the
Taiwan Relations Act. These documents developed during the Nixon, Carter,
and Reagan administrations and reflected a bipartisan consensus. Cross-strait
relations between China and Taiwan should be resolved by the two sides acting
together for mutual benefit. Indeed, the issue of Taiwan should be resolved
peacefully. Your leaders should know that on this issue, the Clinton
Administration and the Congress stand united in our commitment to Taiwan's
defense within the framework of the United States' "one China" policy. This is a
point that I emphasized repeatedly to your military leadership.

On defense policy,you need to understand our concern for what some perceive
to be China's laxity in abiding by established international norms against the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and their means of delivery.
Specifically, I and many of my colleagues in Congress are disturbed by China's
apparent willingness to sell to others technology and equipment that can be used
to produce nuclear, chemical, or biological weapons, along with ballistic and
cruise missiles. These transfers not only contradict the guidelines established by
multilateral nonproliferation regimes -- such as the Missile Technology Control
Regime, which China has agreed to abide by -- but also contribute to regional
rivalries and instabilities.

For example, in the past year we have been confronted with reports that China
has sold cruise missiles and chemical weapons production technology to Iran, as
well as nuclear-related equipment and medium-range ballistic missiles to
Pakistan. Such transfers to volatile regions that have a long history of conflict
can only lead to trouble in the future.

Should such transfers continue, it will be increasingly difficult to avoid imposing
sanctions on China in accordance with U.S. laws. Although the Clinton
Administration has sought to avoid such a course of action, the Congress may
force the Administration's hand if it appears that current policy is not having the
desired effect.